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Unsurprisingly Carl Schmitt, ever the fascist, is quick to associate partisanship with a homeland, a social order that the partisan defends or a people they represent.
He claims this defensive character is enough to prevent a partisan exercise from declaring absolute war on its enemy.
There is in all of this, it would appear, a negative quality, an attitude of retreat, of avoiding frontal fights. Guevara reassures readers that guerrilla warfare is but one stage in a linear progression, giving way naturally to a binary opposition between parties to a conflict — we recognize that this is a long-dead dream.
Whether by attempting to outcompete Empire on its own infinitely-mapped and regulated territory, or reverting to its language of policing and order, the movements of the past decade have never stopped reminding us that the only way out is found in going under.
It is necessary to embrace the negative aspect of guerrilla warfare, to turn our exclusion into a point of attack. Schmitt is a scholar of the political, and he operates on the level of politics, a game of possession and enclosure, mapping and annihilation — and it is from this field, with its reduced and dissected understanding of war, that he draws his model of partisanship.
Just as Clausewitz could not imagine a unification of the party and the state that would unite the partisan and the state-form, Schmitt cannot comprehend a partisanship without recourse to the party-form.
This is because he, like Clausewitz, cannot grasp the dynamic relationship of war and politics. This establishes the paranoid scene of politics as the basis of all common life.
We move in the opposite direction: war precedes politics, and the form it takes determines the character of any given use of force. It is the unending conquest of an outside that is not allowed to exist.
It reaches down into the depths of the social order, forming a lymphatic system that accumulates and purges waste. This is the root of the war on the homeless, the hatred of the dispossessed, the great confinements and die-offs, of mass incarceration and police executions:.
As a rule, social homogeneity is a precarious form, at the mercy of violence and even of internal dissent. It forms spontaneously in the play of productive organization, but must constantly be protected from the various unruly elements that do not benefit from production, or not enough to suit them, or simply, that cannot tolerate the checks that homogeneity imposes on unrest.
In such conditions, the protection of homogeneity lies in its recourse to imperative elements that are capable of obliterating the various unruly forces or bringing them under the control of order.
It presents itself as a charge, as a value, passing from one object to another in a more or less abstract fashion, almost as if the change were taking place not in the world of objects but only in the judgments of the subject.
This form of violence can be traced back to the founding of the State, whose ability to designate populations as criminal and naturalize its own use of force grants it a unique role in the transformation and diffusion of warfare.
There is lawful violence wherever violence contributes to the creation of that which it is used against, or as Marx says, wherever capture contributes to the creation of that which it captures.
This is very different from criminal violence. This relation between the State and its exterior allows us to better advance a study of politics, and the ground it operates on.
Our fundamental thesis is derived from Schmitt, whose most notable achievements demonstrate that his understanding of the political, with all the velvet-gloved brutality it supports, cannot be doubted.
This war is comprised of two sides. One fights to preserve the present state of things, waging an unending war of imperial pacification, with no beginning or end.
It abstracts itself outside of time, claiming to be superior to that which undoes it. The other is made up of motion, of refusal and excess.
This is the core of the partisan project: always remaining in tension between the exterior and interior, hanging onto the edge of the pack, advancing the decay of the frontiers of this world as they stretch and tear under their own extension.
Imperial war has neither a beginning nor an end, it is a permanent process of pacification. The essential aspects of its methods and principles have been known for fifty years.
They were developed in the wars of decolonization during which the oppressive state apparatus underwent a decisive change. From then on the enemy was no longer an isolable entity, a foreign nation, or a determined class; it was somewhere lying in ambush within the population, with no visible attributes.
If need be, it was the population itself, the population as insurgent force. The configuration of hostilities specific to the Imaginary Party thus immediately revealed itself in the guise of guerilla warfare, of partisan war.
Insurrections ripen under ice, like a mass desire to trample on all that has trodden us down, a sudden burst of dignity after decades of humiliation, a will to put an abrupt end to all that we have suffered for no reason.
While the politicians rely on the fine-tuned manipulation of economies of coercion and complacency to maintain their order, we find our base medium of coordination and circulation in the form-of-life, the intimate ethical polarization of bare life, the pain and complicity of our exclusion from the political and the commonness it creates between us.
Zapatismo simply states the question and stipulates that the response is plural. To repeat: partisanship precedes the party, which has long been subsumed by the state-form.
Partisanship draws its effectiveness and impact from its irreducibility to a single organization — which is why Empire will always invent a killable enemy if it cannot produce one.
This is likewise why the only communist parties in the United States are infested with moles and bureaucratic wormrot, the festering wounds of a decades-long assault on the American left.
His self-prostrating brand of neo-Kautskyism seems to offer itself up for annihilation, with its prioritization of liberal-democratic pluralism, democracy, and the proliferation of the committee, assembly, and debate floor spelling untold regimes of bureaucratization.
Partisanship, irregular warfare against Empire, is best attuned to the negation of the current order — not its management or adjustment. I believe revolutionary thought has not reached a clearing or threshold where the question can be addressed.
The same formula has held true for a century: when the partisan has been overtaken by the party, and the party by the state, partisanship has been reduced to yet another captured military apparatus, its war machines transformed into instruments of state violence.
His study leads with the example of Suriname, where escaped slaves fought a year guerrilla war against their slavers beginning in the 17th century, with their descendants still remaining autonomous today, four centuries after the birth of their struggle.
Every maroon effort Shoatz studies draws its successes from the same characteristics: prioritizing their origins in a specific social fabric and promoting a self-propelled and diffuse set of tactics.
Cells were made more mobile and effective by decentralizing decision-making, and even the drawbacks — such as many maroon groups in Suriname taking out contracts with the Dutch to hunt down other escapees — are counterbalanced by the overall decentralization.
This lent every instance of rebellion an incredible durability: each movement lasted for centuries, and, true to the image of the hydra Shoatz assigns them, proved capable of surviving brutal repression.
Domination perpetuates itself, power gravitates towards normative structures, management is self sustaining and propagating. Instead, it is necessary to redefine the party, abandoning the definition offered by bourgeois parliamentarism in favor of one that reflects the reality of civil war, in which no disinterested party exists.
We are already in the party, that of the Spectacle or the Imaginary, social homogeneity or irruptive heterogeneous elements.
We locate our power in the fact of social exclusion, the radically other, the inassimilable — and we recognise that is what must expand.
Autonomia meant a refusal of the position of the outcast, a weaponization of exclusion that requires we move outside of our narrowly-defined sites of confinement.
Bash Back! While it took a decentralized and relatively autonomous form, and left many of its actions to claim themselves, Bash Back!
Its most spectacular actions targeted high-visibility and suitably damaging institutions with sabotage and interruption, but an understanding of power — that logistic, cybernetic, diffuse phenomenon that is equally productive as it is coercive — allowed the rage that animated Bash Back!
What unites these irruptions is not a political program or set of distinct principles, but a common refusal of the death-machine of civil society in favor of flight.
Each carries the germinal tissue of a new movement, one that refuses the placative identities of Empire, that recognizes that there is no freedom or glory in the general subjection to subjectivity.
And it necessarily refuses to enter the trap of politics, it recognizes that the self-possessed individual finds its origins in conquest — it means freedom from atomization and enclosure in a carefully-molded and micro-adjusted subject.
Our partisanship is deployed through diffuse guerrilla warfare, a strategy of quietly distributed foci, a free-wheeling and functionally anonymous war effort with its origin in every flight from a point of capture and exploitation.
Social control operates through a diffuse panopticism, creating an environment of constant surveillance and self-surveillance that requires every enunciation to be individualized and individualizing.
All of this seems to drown out any hope of community in the harsh light of criticism and coercion. But the fundamental condition that panoptic social control relies on and reproduces — our atomization — is also its point of failure.
They were like so many marks etched in the half-light, and as such forming a denser and more formidable offensive than the armed propaganda campaigns of combatant organizations.
When we make ourselves known it is always anonymously, we speak polyvocally and univocally, a trick learned from the militants of Autonomia and Subcomandante Marcos alike.
This partisan exercise with no party recognizes that insurrections die the moment they are led, but equally that the conditions for insurrection are not found in some universal trajectory towards communism.
Above all else: stillness is death. Stay mobile, never settle, make no demands, have no leaders, stay masked up, break cameras, keep snitches out, pay close attention to community defense and patch vulnerabilities, do your research on your enemies, and fight a war of attrition.
Forget how to negotiate — this is not a dialogue, it is a war, and you are already on your back foot. In enmity the partisan without rights seeks his justice.
In it he finds the meaning of the cause and the meaning of justice, when the shell of protection and obedience which he has hitherto inhabited breaks, or the web of norms of legality from which he could previously expect justice and legal protection is torn apart.
Then the conventional game ends. We are already in a state of total war. Our lives are animated and undone by this conflict that exceeds us, that precedes us, that we are cast into and forced to survive.
Everyone wants to be a spectator in a game that demands our participation. No one considered what the victory of the civilian over the soldier would mean if one day the citizen put on the uniform while the partisan took it off to continue the fight without it.
The world has been straining at its mutilated and sutured seams for decades, if not centuries. It is time we recognize the past decade of diffuse insurrections for what it really contains: not isolated instances of rebellion, but the wounds that punctuate the death of the old world in the springing forth of the new.
Everywhere a dehiscent communism begins to unfold — has never stopped unfolding. Our task is to bring this polyvocal multiplicity of irruptions to bear on the present state of things, devising new tactics and organizational strategies that match the new forms of sovereignty that our enemies would use to destroy us.
He defends a piece of land with which he has an autochthonous relationship. His basic position remains defensive despite the increased agility of his tactics.
The real enemy is not declared the absolute enemy, nor the ultimate enemy of humanity in general. The surround antagonizes the laager in its midst while disturbing that facts on the ground with some outlaw planning.
And while acquisitive violence occasions this self-defense, it is recourse to self-possession in the face of dispossession recourse, in other words, to politics that represents the real danger.
Politics is an ongoing attack on the common — the general and generative antagonism — from within the surround. Moten and S. Today in Suriname their direct descendants still occupy the areas their ancestors fought on, and most of them have never suffered under slavery — even before the U.
It has proved itself as brutally efficient and capable of outdoing anything the bourgeois forces are capable of.
Nevertheless, in the end those who gained power using DC method have always ended up using it to defeat the aspirations of the workers and oppressed, and subsequently install the users of it as a new oppressive ruling class.
It is disappearing. It will disappear as the state will disappear. The whole laboring population becomes the state.
That is the disappearance of the state. It can have no other meaning. It withers away by expanding to such a degree that it is transformed into its opposite.
Curcio and A. The small city still does not exist on the map of the left as far as revolutionary struggle is concerned. Instead, the revolutionary left in the United States is mostly focused on big cities, resulting in a kind of parochialism where most revolutionaries live in big cities and are more likely to know comrades in other big cities, even overseas in cities like Berlin, Paris or London, but have no relationships with revolutionaries in the small cities and suburbs a few miles outside their city.
Originally published by Abolition Media Worldwide. Written by Shemon , Arturo and Atticus. In geographic terms, the historical and cultural poles of the far left milieu in the US are Oakland and New York City.
Most movement texts and organizational strategy come from these two cities. On one level, this limited geography is a reflection of the class background, cultural status, university education, and coastal biases which map onto the liberalism of left-wing activists since the crisis.
For example, Occupy was a national movement with camps scattered throughout the country, but the focus still tended to be on New York and Oakland.
No matter what the rest of the country did, it was as if those two cities were the only ones that mattered in the imagination of activists.
With the riots in Ferguson we can now look back and say that this rebellion foreshadowed a wider geography of struggle, although that was not clear at the time.
No one had heard of Ferguson before the police murder of Mike Brown and the riots that followed. Suddenly, a small St.
Louis suburb was the center of national attention. While NYC and Oakland were not necessarily displaced as the extreme poles of the revolutionary left, they were no longer in a dance only with each other, but were circling around a new center of gravity—the small suburban city.
But as the fires of Ferguson disappeared, the binary emerged once again between NYC and Oakland. When the George Floyd uprising erupted throughout the US this summer, dozens of riots happened in small cities like Spokane WA, Eugene OR, Fargo ND, Salt Lake City UT, Atlantic City NJ, Lynchburg VA, Columbia SC, Fort Lauderdale FL, etc.
The large and midsize cities certainly showed up, with explosive riots in places like Minneapolis, Oakland, Portland, Louisville, New York City, Philadelphia, Atlanta, Miami, etc.
However, while much attention has been given to these larger cities, the riots in the small cities and suburbs have been largely overlooked.
The riots of the s had already exposed a wider geography of struggle, although most people do not remember this era in this way. Alongside big cities like Los Angeles, Chicago, and Detroit, small cities also exploded in places like Rochester NY, York PA, Omaha NE, and even in small towns and suburbs like Wadesboro NC, Saginaw MI, Plainfield NJ, and Cairo IL.
Clearly, it is not urban centers alone that set the stage for riots and uprisings. Given the shifting geography of where proletarians live and work in the US, our wager is that small cities and suburbs will increasingly play a role in the battles and ruptures that are coming.
The George Floyd uprising, like the Ferguson riots before it, revealed a growing proletarian strata which increasingly lives outside of big cities.
As small cities and suburbs continue to grow in population, they have also become home to a more diverse cross-section of the proletariat which is increasingly Latinx and Black.
This strata broke through this year in small cities like San Bernardino CA, Des Moines IA, Champaign IL, Lansing MI, Albany NY, Brockton MA, Providence RI, Richmond VA, Birmingham AL, etc.
While poor people are still over-represented in the largest cities, their numbers have been growing in small cities and suburbs for decades now. As the biggest cities get more gentrified and become more expensive to live in, a growing number of proletarians are leaving and finding more affordable housing in the suburbs and small cities that surround the big cities.
This trend is also reinforced by the fact that working class jobs continue to shift away from the urban core and into the suburbs and small cities on the periphery of the metropolis.
At the same time, those who already lived in the peripheries have become poorer, especially since the crisis, which increased the rate of foreclosures in these areas.
Of course, small cities are not homogenous, and in fact exhibit sharp differences. The small metropolis is very different from the suburb or satellite city, not just in terms of size and population but more importantly in terms of political-economy.
Whereas small cities like Kenosha or Wauwatosa are suburbs of larger cities like Milwaukee, a small metropolis like Birmingham, Durham, or Albany, forms its own economic core and has its own suburbs.
We can further divide the political-economy of small cities into two types. The first type is the left-behind city: this is the small city which has received little to no capital investment, more commonly known as gentrification.
This includes small cities like Rockford IL, Chester PA, Forest Park GA, or Kenosha WI. Most of the small rust-belt cities in the Northeast and Midwest fall into this first category, although these small immiserated cities are found throughout the US.
The second type is the small city which has seen a significant influx of capital investment,cities like Durham NC, Pittsburg PA, Lancaster PA, or Rochester NY.